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英譯漢短文翻譯篇一
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本公司誠邀信譽良好經(jīng)驗豐富的制造商和（或）在合格貨源國組建注冊并由該國控股的貿(mào)易公司（涉及所有發(fā)展中國家，包括中國以及所有經(jīng)濟合作與發(fā)展組織oecd成員國）參與上述競標活動。對此招標有興趣的制造商和（或）貿(mào)易公司請于1983年1月20日前以函告擬供貸項目并向我公司提交預(yù)審材料。全部材料請以英文書寫，一式三份。材料應(yīng)涉及以下條例：
①參與競標制造商和（或）貿(mào)易公司名稱及所屬國名稱。
②參與競標公司的歷史簡介。
③參與競標公司的規(guī)章制度。
④競標公司的組織結(jié)構(gòu)、主要負責人及所屬財團。
⑤競標公司的實收資本，最近三年的貿(mào)易總額及凈利潤總額。
⑥競標公司的絕信銀行名稱以及該銀行所出具的資信證明。
⑦對競標公司授權(quán)代理的相關(guān)信息以及制造商的授權(quán)書（若該競標公司為代理）。
⑧制造商的相關(guān)信息以及其最近三年類似產(chǎn)品的生產(chǎn)和銷售情況，參照清單、質(zhì)量保證書。
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英譯漢短文翻譯篇二
·英譯漢練習(xí)短文6篇·
passage 1 satiric literature1
perhaps the most striking quality of satiric literature is its freshness, its originality of rarely offers original d, it presents the familiar in a new sts do not offer the world new they do is look at familiar conditions from a perspective that makes these conditions seem foolish, harmful, or jars us out of complacence into a pleasantly shocked realization that many of the values we unquestioningly accept are quixote makes chivalry seem absurd;brave new world ridicules the pretensions of science;a modest proposal dramatizes starvation by advocating of these ideas is ry was suspected before cervantes2, humanists objected to the claims of pure science before aldous huxley3, and people were aware of famine before was not the originality of the idea that made these satires was the manner of expression，the satiric method, that made them interesting and s are read because they are aesthetically satisfying works of art, not because they are morally wholesome or ethically are stimulating and refreshing because with commonsense briskness5 they brush away illusions and secondhand spontaneous irreverence, satire rearranges perspectives, scrambles familiar objects into incongruous juxtaposition, and speaks in a personal idiom instead of abstract exists because there is need for has lived because readers appreciate a refreshing stimulus, an irreverent reminder that they live in a world of platitudinous thinking, cheap moralizing7, and foolish serves to prod people into an awareness of truth, though rarely to any action on behalf of tends to remind people that much of what they see, hear, and read in popular media is sanctimonious, sentimental, and only partially resembles in only a slight degree the popular image of rs rarely hold the ideals that movies attribute to them, not do ordinary citizens devote their lives to unselfish service of igent people know these things but tend to forget them when they do not hear them
1．這篇文章用詞正式，句式嚴謹、周密、冗長，文風(fēng)較為華麗。翻譯時選詞要正式，可多用四字結(jié)構(gòu)和鋪排形式。
2．cervantes: 塞萬提斯（1754-1616），西班牙偉大的作家、詩人、戲劇家。
3．a(chǎn)ldous huxley:奧爾德斯·赫胥黎（1825-1895），英國生物學(xué)家，作家。
4．swift: 斯威夫特（1667-1745），英國作家，擅長用諷刺和幽默揭露社會黑暗現(xiàn)象。
5．briskness：brisk意為keen or sharp in speech or manner。
6．secondhand opinions：不可翻譯為“二手的觀點”，應(yīng)該是“人云亦云的的觀點”。
7．cheap moralizing：這里cheap意思不是“便宜的”，而是vulgar, contemptible;moralizing不是“道德”，而是“說教”。
8．when they do not hear them expressed：當直譯不方便時，我們可用視點轉(zhuǎn)移法：但是當周圍人不談起時
key 諷刺文學(xué)
或許諷刺文學(xué)最突出的特點是它耳目一新、視角獨創(chuàng)。諷刺文學(xué)很少給人以原創(chuàng)的思想,但是它卻將人們熟悉的事情以全新的形式展現(xiàn)出來。諷刺作家并不給人以新的哲學(xué)理念。他們所做的只是從某一視角來看待一些為人熟知的事情，在這一視角下，這些事情顯得愚蠢不堪、充滿危害而又矯揉造作。諷刺作品將我們從自鳴得意中震醒，讓我們既愉快又驚詫地看到，我們從未質(zhì)疑、全盤接受的價值觀中，有很多都是錯誤的?！短萍娴隆肥沟抿T士精神顯得荒謬可笑；《挑戰(zhàn)新世界》嘲笑了科學(xué)的自詡；《一個小小的建議》則建議食用人肉，使饑餓問題戲劇化。這些思想中沒有一條是原創(chuàng)的：在塞萬提斯之前就有人懷疑騎士精神；在赫胥黎之前人文主義者就反對宣稱純科學(xué)的至高無上；在斯威夫特之前人們就已經(jīng)意識到饑荒問題。并不是思想的獨創(chuàng)而使得諷刺文學(xué)受人歡迎，而是它的表述方式、嘲諷方法使得它趣味橫生、有娛樂性。人們閱讀諷刺文學(xué)只是因為在美學(xué)上它是讓人心滿意足的藝術(shù)品，而不是因為它在道德上有益或倫理上的教益。它激人興奮、爽人身心，因為它只是運用常理通識、辛言辣語，便將各種幻想和人云亦云的觀點一掃而光。諷刺文學(xué)自心而來不拘謙恭，它重新調(diào)整視角，將熟悉的事物紊雜地放置在一起，用個性化的語言而不是抽象的陳詞濫語表述出來。
諷刺作品之所以存在是因為人們需要它。它存續(xù)至今，是因為讀者欣賞爽身怡心的刺激和不拘謙恭的告誡，它提醒讀者，他們生活的世界里充滿了陳腐的思想意識、低俗的道德說教和愚蠢的哲學(xué)理念。諷刺作品雖然很少代表真理促成行動，但它卻能使人們感悟到真理。諷刺作品常常告訴人們，他們在大眾媒體中所看到的、聽到的、讀到的大多是偽裝善良、多愁善感或只有部分真實。生活只在很小的程度上與大眾對它的印象相符。士兵們很少擁有電影賦予他們的理想，而普通老百姓也決不會把自己的生命無私地奉獻給人道主義服務(wù)。聰明人知道這些事實，但是當周圍人不談起時，他們常常會忘記掉。
passage 2 american folk art
what we today call american folk art was, art of, by, and for ordinary, everyday1 “folks” who, with increasing prosperity and leisure, created a market for art of all kinds, and especially for ns of prosperous, essentially middle-class republics—whether ancient romans, seventeenth-century dutch burghers, or nineteenth-century americans—have always shown a marked taste for ng in the late eighteenth century, the united states contained increasing number of such people, and of the artists who could meet their earliest american folk art portraits come, not surprisingly, from new england — especially
connecticut and massachusetts—for this was a wealthy and populous region and the center of a strong craft a few decades after the signing of the declaration of independence in 1776, the population was pushing westward, and the portrait painters could be found at work in western new york, ohio, kentucky, illinois, and through its first century2 as a nation, the united states’ population had increased roughly five times, and eleven new states had been added to original these years, the demand for portraits grew and grew, eventually to be satisfied by 1839 the daguerreotype was introduced to america, ushering in the age of photography, and within a generation the new invention put an end to the popularity of painted again an original portrait became a luxury, commissioned by the wealthy and executed by the in the heyday of portrait painting—from the late eighteenth century until the 1850’s — anyone with a modicum of artistic ability could become a limner, as such a portraitist3 was craftspeople—sign, coach, and house painters—began to paint portraits as a profitable sideline;sometimes a talented man or woman who began by sketching family members gained a local reputation and was besieged with requests for portraits;artists found it worth their while to pack their paints, canvasses, and brushes and to travel the countryside, often combining house decorating with portrait everyday: 意為commonplace, ordinary
midway through its first century: 美國獨立后50年間
portraitist：譯為“畫師”，以和前面的limner（畫家）相區(qū)別。
key 美國民間藝術(shù)
我們所說的美國民間藝術(shù)是由普通百姓所擁有、創(chuàng)造并享受的藝術(shù)。隨著財富和閑暇與日俱增，他們創(chuàng)造了各種藝術(shù)的市場，特別是肖像繪畫。家境殷實的、主要是中產(chǎn)階級的市民——不管他們是古羅馬人，或是17世紀荷蘭自治城市富裕居民，抑或是19世紀的美國人——都對肖像繪畫藝術(shù)表現(xiàn)出突出的愛好。從18世紀晚期開始，美國這一群體的數(shù)量不斷增加，而且滿足畫像要求的藝術(shù)家也不斷地增加。
勿需驚奇，美國最早的民間藝術(shù)畫像來自于新英格蘭地區(qū)——特別是康涅狄格州和.麻薩諸塞州——因為這一地區(qū)富裕、人口稠密，而且是濃厚藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)的中心。1776年《獨立宣言》宣布后的幾十年中，人口不斷西徙，在紐約州西部、俄亥俄州、肯塔基州、伊利諾斯州、密蘇里州，人們隨處可見肖像畫師繪畫的身影。美國獨立后50年間，人口增加了近5倍，原先13個州又增加了11個。在這些歲月里，肖像繪畫的要求不斷增長，直到有了照相機才算得到滿足。1839年銀版照相法傳入美國，攝影時代開始，而且，在不超過一代人的時間內(nèi)，手工畫像就不再風(fēng)靡了。從此，人物畫像又成為了奢侈品——有錢人提出繪畫要求，專業(yè)畫家來完成繪畫。
但是在肖像繪畫的全盛時期——從18世紀晚期到19世紀50年代——任何有一點藝術(shù)才能的人都可以成為“畫家”，當時的肖像畫師就是這么被人稱呼的。當?shù)厮嚾恕獦伺?、馬車、房屋的畫師——也開始畫人物肖像作為一個賺錢的副業(yè)。有時候有繪畫天賦的男子或婦女一開始只給家庭成員勾勒畫像，很快在當?shù)芈曌u鵲起，然后很多人前來要求畫像；藝術(shù)家們發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們收拾起顏料、畫布、畫筆去各地巡游，既做房屋裝飾又畫人物肖像，是一件非常值得的事情。
passage 3 crows
crows are probably the most frequently met and easily identifiable members of the native fauna of the united great number of tales, legends, and myths about these birds indicates that people have been exceptionally interested in them for a long the other hand, when it comes to substantive─particularly behavioral─information, crows are less well known than many comparably common species and, for that matter, not a few quite uncommon ones, the endangered california condor, to cite one obvious are practical reasons for are notoriously poor and aggravating subjects for field observers and quick learners, they are astute about the intentions of other creatures, including researchers, and adept at avoiding e they are so numerous, active, and monochromatic, it is difficult to distinguish one crow from , radio transmitters, or other identifying devices can be attached to them, but this of course requires catching live crows, who are among the wariest and most untrappable of cal difficulties aside, crow research is daunting because the ways of these birds are so complex and preeminent generalists, members of this species ingeniously exploit a great range of habitats and resources, and they can quickly adjust to changes in their so educable, inspanidual birds have markedly different interests and inclinations, strategies and example, one pet crow learned how to let a dog out of its kennel by pulling the pin on the the dog escaped, the bird went into the kennel and ate its 烏鴉
烏鴉可能是美國本土動物中最常見、也是最容易識別的成員（物種）。關(guān)于它的奇聞異事和神話傳說（故事、傳說和神話）流傳眾多，可見，人們對它的濃厚興趣由來已久。另一方面，在提及對它的本性——特別是行為方面的了解時，與其他同樣普通和一些非常罕見的物種——一個顯而易見的例子是加州瀕臨滅絕的禿鷲——相比，它更鮮為人知。這其中有一些實際的原因。
眾所周知，野外的烏鴉研究成果甚少，并讓研究者苦惱不已。它們觀察敏銳，領(lǐng)悟快捷，善于分辨其他動物和研究人員的意圖，并能巧妙地避開他們。由于烏鴉數(shù)量眾多、顏色單
一、機警靈活，人們很難把它們區(qū)分開來。人們當然可以把腳環(huán)、無線電發(fā)射機和其他識別裝置縛在烏鴉身上，但這卻要滿足一個前提，那就是活抓烏鴉——但這卻是最為機警、最難抓到的鳥類之一。
烏鴉的研究之所以令人卻步，撇開技術(shù)上的困難不談，其原因之一便是它們生活方式復(fù)雜多變。它們是超凡的多面手，其種族中的一些成員創(chuàng)造性地開發(fā)了大量的棲息地、利用大量的資源，而且能很快適應(yīng)環(huán)境的變化。由于善于學(xué)習(xí)，每個烏鴉個體都有迥然不同的興趣、愛好，策略和花招。比如，有一只寵物烏鴉，學(xué)會將狗窩上的門閂拉開放狗出窩。狗出窩后，它便進去，享用了狗的美食。
英譯漢短文翻譯篇三
英譯漢練習(xí)短文6篇·
passage 1 satiric literature1
perhaps the most striking quality of satiric literature is its freshness, its originality of rarely offers original d, it presents the familiar in a new sts do not offer the world new they do is look at familiar conditions from a perspective that makes these conditions seem foolish, harmful, or jars us out of complacence into a pleasantly shocked realization that many of the values we unquestioningly accept are quixote makes chivalry seem absurd;brave new world ridicules the pretensions of science;a modest proposal dramatizes starvation by advocating of these ideas is ry was suspected before cervantes2, humanists objected to the claims of pure science before aldous huxley3, and people were aware of famine before was not the originality of the idea that made these satires was the manner of expression，the satiric method, that made them interesting and s are read because they are aesthetically satisfying works of art, not because they are morally wholesome or ethically are stimulating and refreshing because with commonsense briskness5 they brush away illusions and secondhand spontaneous irreverence, satire rearranges perspectives, scrambles familiar objects into incongruous juxtaposition, and speaks in a personal idiom instead of abstract exists because there is need for has lived because readers appreciate a refreshing stimulus, an irreverent reminder that they live in a world of platitudinous thinking, cheap moralizing7, and foolish serves to prod people into an awareness of truth, though rarely to any action on behalf of tends to remind people that much of what they see, hear, and read in popular media is sanctimonious, sentimental, and only partially resembles in only a slight degree the popular image of rs rarely hold the ideals that movies attribute to them, not do ordinary citizens devote their lives to unselfish service of igent people know these things but tend to forget them when they do not hear them
1．這篇文章用詞正式，句式嚴謹、周密、冗長，文風(fēng)較為華麗。翻譯時選詞要正式，可多用四字結(jié)構(gòu)和鋪排形式。2．cervantes: 塞萬提斯（1754-1616），西班牙偉大的作家、詩人、戲劇家。
3．a(chǎn)ldous huxley:奧爾德斯·赫胥黎（1825-1895），英國生物學(xué)家，作家。
4．swift: 斯威夫特（1667-1745），英國作家，擅長用諷刺和幽默揭露社會黑暗現(xiàn)象。
5．briskness：brisk意為keen or sharp in speech or manner。
6．secondhand opinions：不可翻譯為“二手的觀點”，應(yīng)該是“人云亦云的的觀點”。
7．cheap moralizing：這里cheap意思不是“便宜的”，而是vulgar, contemptible;moralizing不是“道德”，而是“說教”。
8．when they do not hear them expressed：當直譯不方便時，我們可用視點轉(zhuǎn)移法：但是當周圍人不談起時
key 諷刺文學(xué)
或許諷刺文學(xué)最突出的特點是它耳目一新、視角獨創(chuàng)。諷刺文學(xué)很少給人以原創(chuàng)的思想,但是它卻將人們熟悉的事情以全新的形式展現(xiàn)出來。諷刺作家并不給人以新的哲學(xué)理念。他們所做的只是從某一視角來看待一些為人熟知的事情，在這一視角下，這些事情顯得愚蠢不堪、充滿危害而又矯揉造作。諷刺作品將我們從自鳴得意中震醒，讓我們既愉快又驚詫地看到，我們從未質(zhì)疑、全盤接受的價值觀中，有很多都是錯誤的?！短萍娴隆肥沟抿T士精神顯得荒謬可笑；《挑戰(zhàn)新世界》嘲笑了科學(xué)的自詡；《一個小小的建議》則建議食用人肉，使饑餓問題戲劇化。這些思想中沒有一條是原創(chuàng)的：在塞萬提斯之前就有人懷疑騎士精神；在赫胥黎之前人文主義者就反對宣稱純科學(xué)的至高無上；在斯威夫特之前人們就已經(jīng)意識到饑荒問題。并不是思想的獨創(chuàng)而使得諷刺文學(xué)受人歡迎，而是它的表述方式、嘲諷方法使得它趣味橫生、有娛樂性。人們閱讀諷刺文學(xué)只是因為在美學(xué)上它是讓人心滿意足的藝術(shù)品，而不是因為它在道德上有益或倫理上的教益。它激人興奮、爽人身心，因為它只是運用常理通識、辛言辣語，便將各種幻想和人云亦云的觀點一掃而光。諷刺文學(xué)自心而來不拘謙恭，它重新調(diào)整視角，將熟悉的事物紊雜地放置在一起，用個性化的語言而不是抽象的陳詞濫語表述出來。
諷刺作品之所以存在是因為人們需要它。它存續(xù)至今，是因為讀者欣賞爽身怡心的刺激和不拘謙恭的告誡，它提醒讀者，他們生活的世界里充滿了陳腐的思想意識、低俗的道德說教和愚蠢的哲學(xué)理念。諷刺作品雖然很少代表真理促成行動，但它卻能使人們感悟到真理。諷刺作品常常告訴人們，他們在大眾媒體中所看到的、聽到的、讀到的大多是偽裝善良、多愁善感或只有部分真實。生活只在很小的程度上與大眾對它的印象相符。士兵們很少擁有電影賦予他們的理想，而普通老百姓也決不會把自己的生命無私地奉獻給人道主義服務(wù)。聰明人知道這些事實，但是當周圍人不談起時，他們常常會忘記掉。
passage 2 american folk art
what we today call american folk art was, art of, by, and for ordinary, everyday1 “folks” who, with increasing prosperity and leisure, created a market for art of all kinds, and especially for ns of prosperous, essentially middle-class
republics—whether
ancient
romans, seventeenth-century dutch burghers, or nineteenth-century americans—have always shown a marked taste for ng in the late eighteenth century, the united states contained increasing number of such people, and of the artists who could meet their earliest american folk art portraits come, not surprisingly, from new england — especially
connecticut and massachusetts—for this was a wealthy and populous region and the center of a strong craft a few decades after the signing of the declaration of independence in 1776, the population was pushing westward, and the portrait painters could be found at work in western new york, ohio, kentucky, illinois, and through its first century2 as a nation, the united states’ population had increased roughly five times, and eleven new states had been added to original these years, the demand for portraits grew and grew, eventually to be satisfied by 1839 the daguerreotype was introduced to america, ushering in the age of photography, and within a generation the new invention put an end to the popularity of painted again an original portrait became a luxury, commissioned by the wealthy and executed by the in the heyday of portrait painting—from the late eighteenth century until the 1850’s — anyone with a modicum of artistic ability could become a limner, as such a portraitist3 was craftspeople—sign, coach, and house painters—began to paint portraits as a profitable sideline;sometimes a talented man or woman who began by sketching family members gained a local reputation and was besieged with requests for portraits;artists found it worth their while to pack their paints, canvasses, and brushes and to travel the countryside, often combining house decorating with portrait everyday: 意為commonplace, ordinary
midway through its first century: 美國獨立后50年間
portraitist：譯為“畫師”，以和前面的limner（畫家）相區(qū)別。
key 美國民間藝術(shù)
我們所說的美國民間藝術(shù)是由普通百姓所擁有、創(chuàng)造并享受的藝術(shù)。隨著財富和閑暇與日俱增，他們創(chuàng)造了各種藝術(shù)的市場，特別是肖像繪畫。家境殷實的、主要是中產(chǎn)階級的市民——不管他們是古羅馬人，或是17世紀荷蘭自治城市富裕居民，抑或是19世紀的美國人——都對肖像繪畫藝術(shù)表現(xiàn)出突出的愛好。從18世紀晚期開始，美國這一群體的數(shù)量不斷增加，而且滿足畫像要求的藝術(shù)家也不斷地增加。
勿需驚奇，美國最早的民間藝術(shù)畫像來自于新英格蘭地區(qū)——特別是康涅狄格州和.麻薩諸塞州——因為這一地區(qū)富裕、人口稠密，而且是濃厚藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)的中心。1776年《獨立宣言》宣布后的幾十年中，人口不斷西徙，在紐約州西部、俄亥俄州、肯塔基州、伊利諾斯州、密蘇里州，人們隨處可見肖像畫師繪畫的身影。美國獨立后50年間，人口增加了近5倍，原先13個州又增加了11個。在這些歲月里，肖像繪畫的要求不斷增長，直到有了照相機才算得到滿足。1839年銀版照相法傳入美國，攝影時代開始，而且，在不超過一代人的時間內(nèi)，手工畫像就不再風(fēng)靡了。從此，人物畫像又成為了奢侈品——有錢人提出繪畫要求，專業(yè)畫家來完成繪畫。
但是在肖像繪畫的全盛時期——從18世紀晚期到19世紀50年代——任何有一點藝術(shù)才能的人都可以成為“畫家”，當時的肖像畫師就是這么被人稱呼的。當?shù)厮嚾恕獦伺?、馬車、房屋的畫師——也開始畫人物肖像作為一個賺錢的副業(yè)。有時候有繪畫天賦的男子或婦女一開始只給家庭成員勾勒畫像，很快在當?shù)芈曌u鵲起，然后很多人前來要求畫像；藝術(shù)家們發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們收拾起顏料、畫布、畫筆去各地巡游，既做房屋裝飾又畫人物肖像，是一件非常值得的事情。
passage 3 crows
crows are probably the most frequently met and easily identifiable members of the native fauna of the united great number of tales, legends, and myths about these birds indicates that people have been exceptionally interested in them for a long the other hand, when it comes to substantive─particularly behavioral─information, crows are less well known than many comparably common species and, for that matter, not a few quite uncommon ones, the endangered california condor, to cite one obvious are practical reasons for are notoriously poor and aggravating subjects for field observers and quick learners, they are astute about the intentions of other creatures, including researchers, and adept at avoiding e they are so numerous, active, and monochromatic, it is difficult to distinguish one crow from , radio transmitters, or other identifying devices can be attached to them, but this of course requires catching live crows, who are among the wariest and most untrappable of cal difficulties aside, crow research is daunting because the ways of these birds are so complex and preeminent generalists, members of this species ingeniously exploit a great range of habitats and resources, and they can quickly adjust to changes in their so educable, inspanidual birds have markedly different interests and inclinations, strategies and example, one pet crow learned how to let a dog out of its kennel by pulling the pin on the the dog escaped, the bird went into the kennel and ate its 烏鴉
烏鴉可能是美國本土動物中最常見、也是最容易識別的成員（物種）。關(guān)于它的奇聞異事和神話傳說（故事、傳說和神話）流傳眾多，可見，人們對它的濃厚興趣由來已久。另一方面，在提及對它的本性——特別是行為方面的了解時，與其他同樣普通和一些非常罕見的物種——一個顯而易見的例子是加州瀕臨滅絕的禿鷲——相比，它更鮮為人知。這其中有一些實際的原因。
眾所周知，野外的烏鴉研究成果甚少，并讓研究者苦惱不已。它們觀察敏銳，領(lǐng)悟快捷，善于分辨其他動物和研究人員的意圖，并能巧妙地避開他們。由于烏鴉數(shù)量眾多、顏色單
一、機警靈活，人們很難把它們區(qū)分開來。人們當然可以把腳環(huán)、無線電發(fā)射機和其他識別裝置縛在烏鴉身上，但這卻要滿足一個前提，那就是活抓烏鴉——但這卻是最為機警、最難抓到的鳥類之一。
烏鴉的研究之所以令人卻步，撇開技術(shù)上的困難不談，其原因之一便是它們生活方式復(fù)雜多變。它們是超凡的多面手，其種族中的一些成員創(chuàng)造性地開發(fā)了大量的棲息地、利用大量的資源，而且能很快適應(yīng)環(huán)境的變化。由于善于學(xué)習(xí)，每個烏鴉個體都有迥然不同的興趣、愛好，策略和花招。比如，有一只寵物烏鴉，學(xué)會將狗窩上的門閂拉開放狗出窩。狗出窩后，它便進去，享用了狗的美食。
passage 4 life on earth
life originated in the early seas less than a billion years after the earth was another three billion years were to pass before the first plants and animals appeared on the ’s transition from the sea to the land was perhaps as much of an evolutionary challenge as was the genesis of forms of life were able to make such a drastic change in lifestyle the traditional view of the first terrestrial organisms is based on megafossils--relatively large specimens of essentially whole plants and ar plants, related to modern seed plants and ferns, left the first comprehensive megafossil e of this, it has been commonly assumed that the sequence of terrestrialization reflected the evolution of modern terrestrial this view, primitive vascular plats first colonized the margins of continental waters, followed by animals that fed on the plants, and lastly by animals that preyed on the er, the megafossils suggest that terrestrial life appeared and spanersified explosively near the boundary between the silurian and the devonian periods, a little more than 400 million years ly, however, paleontologists have been taking a closer look at the sediments below this silurian-devonian geological turns out that some fossils can be extracted from these sediments by putting the rocks in an acid technique has uncovered new evidence from sediments that were deposited near the shores of the ancient oceans-plant microfossils and microscopic pieces of small many instances the specimens are less than one-tenth of a millimeter in gh they were entombed in the rocks for hundreds of millions of years, many of the fossils consist of the organic remains of the newly discovered fossils have not only revealed the existence of previously unknown organisms, but have also pushed back these dates for the invasion of land by multicellular views about the nature of the early plant and animal communities are now being with those revisions come new speculations about the first terrestrial
在地球形成不到十億年的時間后，生命就起源于早期的海洋了。然而（按照以前通行的觀點），要再過30億年，第一批動植物才出現(xiàn)在大陸上?；蛟S，正如生命的起源一樣，生命從海洋向陸地的過渡，同樣在進化論上受到質(zhì)疑。
什么形式的生命能使其生活方式發(fā)生如此驚人的變化？對于第一批登陸的生物，傳統(tǒng)的觀點是建立在巨化石基礎(chǔ)上的，這些巨化石是一些基本上完整的動植物的較大標本。與現(xiàn)代種子植物和蕨類植物有種屬相關(guān)的微管植物，留下了一批巨化石記錄。因此，人們可以推測，生命登陸的次序反映了現(xiàn)代陸生系統(tǒng)的進化。按照這種觀點，維管植物首先移居到大陸水域的周邊，其次是以這種植物為食的動物，最后是吃這種食草動物的動物。而且，巨化石也表明（提示），在四億多年前的志留紀和盆泥紀之間的期間（在志留紀和盆泥紀之間的期間，即四億多年前），陸生生命已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)，種類也急劇增加。
但是最近，古生物學(xué)家一直對志留紀-盆泥紀抵制界限以下的積淀物進行更為周密的調(diào)查。結(jié)果表明，將巖石放在一些盛有酸的容器里，一些化石就能從這些沉淀物中離析出來。這項技術(shù)從古海洋岸邊的沉積物中又發(fā)現(xiàn)了新的證據(jù)——植物的微小化石以及在顯微鏡才可以看得見的小動物的碎片。多數(shù)情況下，標本的直徑不足1/10微米。盡管他們在巖石中埋藏了數(shù)億年，許多化石仍遺留有生物體的有機物質(zhì)。
這些新發(fā)現(xiàn)的化石不僅揭示了先前不為人質(zhì)的有機體的存在，也將多細胞生物進居陸地的時間向前推移。我們對早期動植物群體（群落）本質(zhì)的看法正得以修正，隨之而來的是對第一批陸生生命的新推斷。
passage 5
historical methods
while there are almost as many definitions of history as there are historians, modern practice most closely conforms to one that sees history as the attempt to recreate and explain the significant events of the in the web of its own time and place, each generation of historians determines anew what is significant for it in the this search the evidence found is always incomplete and scattered;it is also frequently partial or irony of the historian’s craft is that its practitioners always know that their efforts are but contributions to an unending st in historical methods has arisen less through external challenge to the validity of history as an intellectual discipline and more from internal quarrels among historians history once revered its affinity to literature and philosophy, the emerging social sciences seemed to afford greater opportunities for asking new questions and providing rewarding approaches to an understanding of the science methodologies had to be adapted to a discipline governed by the primacy of historical sources rather than the imperatives of the contemporary this transfer, traditional historical methods were augmented by additional methodologies designed to interpret the new forms of evidence in the historical ology is a term that remains inherently ambiguous in the historical is no agreement whether methodology refers to the concepts peculiar to historical work in general or to the research techniques appropriate to the various branches of historical ians, especially those so blinded by their research interests that they have been accused of “tunnel method,” frequently fall victim to the “technicist fallacy.”also common in the natural sciences, the technicist fallacy mistakenly identifies the discipline as a whole with certain parts of its technical applies equally to traditional historians who view history as only the external and internal criticism of sources, and to social science historians who equate their activity with specific lary: practice: custom create: make sth from the past exit again or seem to exist again affinity: a close connection between two things because of qualities or features that they share revere: respect and admire primacy: the state of being the most important thing or person inherent: a quality that is inherent in something is a natural part of it and cannot be separated from it equate: to consider that two or more things are similar or connected key 歷史研究方法
雖然每一位歷史學(xué)家對歷史有自己的界定，但是，現(xiàn)代最習(xí)慣的做法是，將歷史看著是對過去重大事件進行再現(xiàn)并予以解釋。每一代的歷史學(xué)家，總會根據(jù)自身所處的時代和位置，重新判定過去的事件中哪些是重要的。這樣找到的證據(jù)往往是不完全的、零散的；也常常是片面的、有著個人偏見的。對歷史學(xué)家研究技藝的諷刺在于，運用這一技藝的人總是知道，他們所付出的努力不過是在給一個無邊無際的過程不斷加磚添瓦。
人們對歷史學(xué)研究方法產(chǎn)生興趣原因有二，其主要原因是歷史學(xué)家內(nèi)部意見不統(tǒng)一，其次原因是，將歷史學(xué)作為一門需要智力活動參與（進行分析和研究）的學(xué)科是否合理，外界持尚有懷疑態(tài)度。雖然以前的歷史學(xué)重視與文學(xué)和哲學(xué)的緊密關(guān)系，但是在提出新問題、并為理解過去提供有益的方法方面，新興的社會科學(xué)似乎提供了更多的機會。社會科學(xué)方法論必須調(diào)整之后適應(yīng)這樣的學(xué)科：它由歷史資料的重要程度決定，而非根據(jù)當代世界所必不可少的需求決定。
在歷史學(xué)的研究中還有其他的一些方法是用來解釋歷史資料的。而在上一轉(zhuǎn)化過程中，這些方法使得傳統(tǒng)研究方法更為有效。
在歷史學(xué)界，方法論是一個從根本上就非常含糊的術(shù)語。它到底是普通歷史研究中所特有的概念，還是適合于各個分支領(lǐng)域的研究技巧，人們對此尚無定論。歷史學(xué)家，特別是那些盲目從于自己的研究興趣、因而被指責為使用“井蛙（狹隘）方法”的歷史學(xué)家，常常成為“技術(shù)謬誤”的犧牲品。同樣，在自然科學(xué)領(lǐng)域，技術(shù)謬誤也錯誤地將學(xué)科看成是由一些技術(shù)運用所組成的整體。這種謬誤同樣存在于傳統(tǒng)歷史學(xué)派和社會科學(xué)歷史學(xué)派的身上，前者認為歷史就是史學(xué)界內(nèi)部和外部人士對各種史料的評議；后者認為歷史的研究應(yīng)該是某些具體技術(shù)的運用。
passage 6 the method of scientific investigation
the method of scientific investigation is nothing but the expression of the necessary mode of working of the human mind;it is simply the mode by which all phenomena are reasoned about and given precise and exact is no more difference, but there is just the same kind of difference, between the mental operations of a man of science and those of an ordinary person , as there is between the operations and methods of a baker or of a butcher weighing out his goods in common scales, and the operations of a chemist in performing a difficult and complex analysis by means of his balance and finely graded is not that the scales in the one case, and the balance in the other, differ in the principles of their construction or manner of working;but that the latter is a much finer apparatus and of course much more accurate in its measurement than the will understand this better, perhaps, if i give you some familiar have all heard it repeated that men of science work by means of induction and deduction, that by the help of these operations, they, in a sort of sense, manage to extract from nature certain natural laws, and that out of these, by some special skill of their own, they build up their it is imagined by many that the operations of the common mind can be by no means compared with these processes, and that they have to be acquired by a sort of special hear all these large words, you would think that the mind of a man of science must be constituted differently from that of his fellow men;but if you will not be frightened by terms, you will discover that you are quite wrong , and that all these terrible apparatus are being used by yourselves every day and every hour of your is a well-known incident in one of moliere's plays, where the author makes the hero express unbounded delight on being told that he had been talking prose during the whole of his the same way, i trust that you will take comfort, and be delighted with yourselves, on the discovery that you have been acting on the principles of inductive and deductive philosophy during the same ly there is not one here who has not in the course of the day had occasion to set in motion a complex train of reasoning, of the very same kind, though differing in degree, as that which a scientific man goes through in tracing the causes of natural 科學(xué)研究的方法
科學(xué)研究的方法只是人類思維中必要的工作方式的表現(xiàn)，正是通過這種方式，人類對一切現(xiàn)象進行邏輯推理，并做出精確的解釋。科學(xué)家的思維活動與普通人的思維活動之間并無實質(zhì)的區(qū)別，其區(qū)別有如面包師或者肉匠用普通磅秤稱量他們的物品，而化學(xué)家則用天平和精確/細致分級的砝碼來進行難度很大和復(fù)雜深入的分析一樣。并不是因為在前一種情況下的磅秤與后一種情況下的天平在構(gòu)造原理或工作方式上有何不同，只是因為天平是更為精密的儀器，與磅秤比較起來，其稱量結(jié)果自然要精確得多。
如果我給你（可省去）舉一些非常熟悉的例子，或許你會理解得更清楚。你會多次聽說過科學(xué)家們是運用歸納法和演繹法工作，而且，在某種意義上，他們運用這些思維方式從自然界中總結(jié)出一些自然規(guī)則，然后運用特殊的技巧，在這些自然規(guī)則的基礎(chǔ)上建立自己的理論。因此，很多人認為，普通人的思維活動決不能與科學(xué)家的思維活動堪比；只有通過某種特殊訓(xùn)練，普通人才能獲得這些思維過程。聽到這些夸張的說法，你或許會認為科學(xué)家的大腦和普通人的大腦在構(gòu)造上不相一樣；但是如果你不被這些大話（夸張的說法）唬住，你會發(fā)現(xiàn)你弄錯了：在你生命中的每天、每時、每刻，你都在運用這些絕妙的思維方法。
在莫里哀的戲劇中有一個眾所周知的情節(jié)：主人公在聽到別人夸贊他畢生都是出口成章時，他表現(xiàn)出無盡的喜悅。同樣，我相信，當你發(fā)現(xiàn)（在科學(xué)家運用科學(xué)思維的同時，）你也一樣基于歸納法和演繹法原理行事，你會感到十分慰籍，也會對自己也非常滿意。（在座）每一個人在一天中都有可能有機會開動一輛思維的列車進行（一連串）復(fù)雜的推理，這與科學(xué)家在探尋自然現(xiàn)象時的思維活動相比，雖然程度有些不同，但其性質(zhì)卻完全一樣
英譯漢短文翻譯篇四
·英譯漢練習(xí)短文·
passage1
satiricliterature1
perhapsthemoststrikingqualityofsatiricliteratureisitsfreshness,d,eydoislookatfamiliarconditionsfromaperspectivethatmakestheseconditionsseemfoolish,harmful,jarsusoutofcomplacenceintoapleasantlyshockxotemakeschivalryseemabsurd;bravenewworldridiculesthepretensionsofscience;rywassuspectedbeforecervantes2,humanistsobjectedtotheclaimsofpuresciencebeforealdoushuxley3,hemannerofexpression，thesatiricmethod,sarereadbecausetheyareaestheticallysatisfyingworksofart,estimulatingandrefreshingbecausewithcoontaneousirreverence,satirerearrangesperspectives,scramblesfamiliarobjectsintoincongruousjuxtaposition,ivedbecausereadersappreciatearefreshingstimulus,anirreverentreminderthattheyliveinaworldofplatitudinousthinking,cheapmoralizing7,servestoprodpeopleintoanawarenessoftruth,tendstoremindpeoplethatmuchofwhattheysee,hear,andreadinpopularmediaissanctimonious,sentimental,rsrarelyholdtheidealsthatmoviesattributetothem,noigentpeoplekn
1．這篇文章用詞正式，句式嚴謹、周密、冗長，文風(fēng)較為華麗。翻譯時選詞要正式，可多用四字結(jié)構(gòu)和鋪排形式。
2．cervantes:塞萬提斯（1754-1616），西班牙偉大的作家、詩人、戲劇家。
3．a(chǎn)ldoushuxley:奧爾德斯·赫胥黎（1825-1895），英國生物學(xué)家，作家。
4．swift:斯威夫特（1667-1745），英國作家，擅長用諷刺和幽默揭露社會黑暗現(xiàn)象。
5．briskness：brisk意為keenorsharpinspeechormanner。
6．secondhandopinions：不可翻譯為“二手的觀點”，應(yīng)該是“人云亦云的的觀點”。
7．cheapmoralizing：這里cheap意思不是“便宜的”，而是vulgar,contemptible;moralizing不是“道德”，而是“說教”。
8．whentheydonothearthemexpressed：當直譯不方便時，我們可用視點轉(zhuǎn)移法：但是當周圍人不談起時
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諷刺文學(xué)
或許諷刺文學(xué)最突出的特點是它耳目一新、視角獨創(chuàng)。諷刺文學(xué)很少給人以原創(chuàng)的思想,但是它卻將人們熟悉的事情以全新的形式展現(xiàn)出來。諷刺作家并不給人以新的哲學(xué)理念。他們所做的只是從某一視角來看待一些為人熟知的事情，在這一視角下，這些事情顯得愚蠢不堪、充滿危害而又矯揉造作。諷刺作品將我們從自鳴得意中震醒，讓我們既愉快又驚詫地看到，我們從未質(zhì)疑、全盤接受的價值觀中，有很多都是錯誤的?！短萍娴隆肥沟抿T士精神顯得荒謬可笑；《挑戰(zhàn)新世界》嘲笑了科學(xué)的自詡；《一個小小的建議》則建議食用人肉，使饑餓問題戲劇化。這些思想中沒有一條是原創(chuàng)的：在塞萬提斯之前就有人懷疑騎士精神；在赫胥黎之前人文主義者就反對宣稱純科學(xué)的至高無上；在斯威夫特之前人們就已經(jīng)意識到饑荒問題。并不是思想的獨創(chuàng)而使得諷刺文學(xué)受人歡迎，而是它的表述方式、嘲諷方法使得它趣味橫生、有娛樂性。人們閱讀諷刺文學(xué)只是因為在美學(xué)上它是讓人心滿意足的藝術(shù)品，而不是因為它在道德上有益或倫理上的教益。它激人興奮、爽人身心，因為它只是運用常理通識、辛言辣語，便將各種幻想和人云亦云的觀點一掃而光。諷刺文學(xué)自心而來不拘謙恭，它重新調(diào)整視角，將熟悉的事物紊雜地放置在一起，用個性化的語言而不是抽象的陳詞濫語表述出來。
諷刺作品之所以存在是因為人們需要它。它存續(xù)至今，是因為讀者欣賞爽身怡心的刺激和不拘謙恭的告誡，它提醒讀者，他們生活的世界里充滿了陳腐的思想意識、低俗的道德說教和愚蠢的哲學(xué)理念。諷刺作品雖然很少代表真理促成行動，但它卻能使人們感悟到真理。諷刺作品常常告訴人們，他們在大眾媒體中所看到的、聽到的、讀到的大多是偽裝善良、多愁善感或只有部分真實。生活只在很小的程度上與大眾對它的印象相符。士兵們很少擁有電影賦予他們的理想，而普通老百姓也決不會把自己的生命無私地奉獻給人道主義服務(wù)。聰明人知道這些事實，但是當周圍人不談起時，他們常常會忘記掉。
passage2
americanfolkart
whatwetodaycallamericanfolkartwas,artof,by,andforordinary,everyday1“folks”who,withincreasingprosperityandleisure,createdamarketforartofallkinds,nsofprosperous,essentiallymiddle-classrepublics—whetherancientromans,seventeenth-centurydutchburghers,ornineteenth-centuryamericans—nginthelateeighteenthcentury,theunitedstatescontainedincreasingnumberofsuchpeople,liestamericanfolkartportraitscome,notsurprisingly,fromnewengland—especiallyconnecticutandmassachusetts—forthisafewdecadesafterthesigningofthedeclarationofindependencein1776,thepopulationwaspushingwestward,andtheportraitpainterscouldbefoundatworkinwesternnewyork,ohio,kentucky,illinois,throughitsfirstcentury2asanation,theunitedstates’populationhadincreasedroughlyfivetimes,theseyears,thedemandforportraitsgrewandgrew,1839thedaguerreotypewasintroducedtoamerica,usheringintheageofphotography,andwithinagenainanoriginalportraitbecamealuxury,heheydayofportraitpainting—fromthelateeighteenthcenturyuntilthe1850’s—anyonewithamodicumofartisticabilitycouldbecomealimner,raftspeople—sign,coach,andhousepainters—
begantopaintportraitsasaprofitablesideline;sometimesatalentedmanorwomanwhobeganbysketchingfamilymembersgainedalocalreputationandwasbesiegedwithrequestsforportraits;artistsfounditworththeirwhiletopacktheirpaints,canvasses,andbrushesandtotravelthecountryside,
everyday:意為commonplace,ordinary
midwaythroughitsfirstcentury:美國獨立后50年間
portraitist：譯為“畫師”，以和前面的limner（畫家）相區(qū)別。
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美國民間藝術(shù)
我們所說的美國民間藝術(shù)是由普通百姓所擁有、創(chuàng)造并享受的藝術(shù)。隨著財富和閑暇與日俱增，他們創(chuàng)造了各種藝術(shù)的市場，特別是肖像繪畫。家境殷實的、主要是中產(chǎn)階級的市民——不管他們是古羅馬人，或是17世紀荷蘭自治城市富裕居民，抑或是19世紀的美國人——都對肖像繪畫藝術(shù)表現(xiàn)出突出的愛好。從18世紀晚期開始，美國這一群體的數(shù)量不斷增加，而且滿足畫像要求的藝術(shù)家也不斷地增加。
勿需驚奇，美國最早的民間藝術(shù)畫像來自于新英格蘭地區(qū)——特別是康涅狄格州和.麻薩諸塞州——因為這一地區(qū)富裕、人口稠密，而且是濃厚藝術(shù)傳統(tǒng)的中心。1776年《獨立宣言》宣布后的幾十年中，人口不斷西徙，在紐約州西部、俄亥俄州、肯塔基州、伊利諾斯州、密蘇里州，人們隨處可見肖像畫師繪畫的身影。美國獨立后50年間，人口增加了近5倍，原先13個州又增加了11個。在這些歲月里，肖像繪畫的要求不斷增長，直到有了照相機才算得到滿足。1839年銀版照相法傳入美國，攝影時代開始，而且，在不超過一代人的時間內(nèi)，手工畫像就不再風(fēng)靡了。從此，人物畫像又成為了奢侈品——有錢人提出繪畫要求，專業(yè)畫家來完成繪畫。
但是在肖像繪畫的全盛時期——從18世紀晚期到19世紀50年代——任何有一點藝術(shù)才能的人都可以成為“畫家”，當時的肖像畫師就是這么被人稱呼的。當?shù)厮嚾恕獦伺?、馬車、房屋的畫師——也開始畫人物肖像作為一個賺錢的副業(yè)。有時候有繪畫天賦的男子或婦女一開始只給家庭成員勾勒畫像，很快在當?shù)芈曌u鵲起，然后很多人前來要求畫像；藝術(shù)家們發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們收拾起顏料、畫布、畫筆去各地巡游，既做房屋裝飾又畫人物肖像，是一件非常值得的事情。
passage3
crows
crowsareprobablythemostfrequentlymatnumberoftales,legends,andmythsaboutthesebirdsindictherhand,whenitcomestosubstantive─particularlybehavioral─information,crowsarelesswellknownthanmanycomparablycommonspeciesand,forthatmatter,notafewquiteuncommonones,theendangeredcaliforniacondor,serversandquicklearners,theyareastuteabouttheintentionsofothercreatures,includingresearchers,etheyaresonumerous,active,andmonochro
matic,,radiotransmitters,orotheridentifyingdevicescanbeattachedtothem,butthisofcourserequirescatchinglivecrows,caldifficultiesaside,crowresminentgeneralists,membersofthisspeciesingeniouslyexploitagreatrangeofhabitatsandresources,oeducable,inspanidualbirdshavemarkedlydifferentinterestsandinclinations,mple,onepedogescaped,
烏鴉
烏鴉可能是美國本土動物中最常見、也是最容易識別的成員（物種）。關(guān)于它的奇聞異事和神話傳說（故事、傳說和神話）流傳眾多，可見，人們對它的濃厚興趣由來已久。另一方面，在提及對它的本性——特別是行為方面的了解時，與其他同樣普通和一些非常罕見的物種——一個顯而易見的例子是加州瀕臨滅絕的禿鷲——相比，它更鮮為人知。這其中有一些實際的原因。
眾所周知，野外的烏鴉研究成果甚少，并讓研究者苦惱不已。它們觀察敏銳，領(lǐng)悟快捷，善于分辨其他動物和研究人員的意圖，并能巧妙地避開他們。由于烏鴉數(shù)量眾多、顏色單
一、機警靈活，人們很難把它們區(qū)分開來。人們當然可以把腳環(huán)、無線電發(fā)射機和其他識別裝置縛在烏鴉身上，但這卻要滿足一個前提，那就是活抓烏鴉——但這卻是最為機警、最難抓到的鳥類之一。
烏鴉的研究之所以令人卻步，撇開技術(shù)上的困難不談，其原因之一便是它們生活方式復(fù)雜多變。它們是超凡的多面手，其種族中的一些成員創(chuàng)造性地開發(fā)了大量的棲息地、利用大量的資源，而且能很快適應(yīng)環(huán)境的變化。由于善于學(xué)習(xí)，每個烏鴉個體都有迥然不同的興趣、愛好，策略和花招。比如，有一只寵物烏鴉，學(xué)會將狗窩上的門閂拉開放狗出窩。狗出窩后，它便進去，享用了狗的美食。
passage4
lifeonearth
lifeorigtherthreebillionyears’stransitionfromtheseatothelanrmsoflifewereabletomakesuchadrasticchangeinlifestylethetraditionalviewofthefirstterrestrialorganismsisbasedonmegafossarplants,relatedtomodernseedplantsandferns,eofthis,ithasbeencommonlyassumedthatthesequenceofterreview,primitivevascularplatsfirstcolonizedthemarginsofcontinentalwaters,followedbyanimalsthatfedontheplants,er,themegafossilssuggestthatterrestriallifeappearedandspanersifiedexplosivelyneartheboundarybetweenthesilurianandthedevonianperiods,ly,however,paleontologistshavebeentakingaclosesoutthatsomefossihniquehasuncoverednewevidencefromsedimentsthatweredepositedneartheshoresoftheanightheywereentombedintherocksforhundredsofmillionsofyears,ewlydiscoveredfossilshavenotonlyrevealedtheexistenceofpreviouslyunknownorganisms,buthavealsopwsabouhthos
在地球形成不到十億年的時間后，生命就起源于早期的海洋了。然而（按照以前通行的觀點），要再過30億年，第一批動植物才出現(xiàn)在大陸上?；蛟S，正如生命的起源一樣，生命從海洋向陸地的過渡，同樣在進化論上受到質(zhì)疑。
什么形式的生命能使其生活方式發(fā)生如此驚人的變化？對于第一批登陸的生物，傳統(tǒng)的觀點是建立在巨化石基礎(chǔ)上的，這些巨化石是一些基本上完整的動植物的較大標本。與現(xiàn)代種子植物和蕨類植物有種屬相關(guān)的微管植物，留下了一批巨化石記錄。因此，人們可以推測，生命登陸的次序反映了現(xiàn)代陸生系統(tǒng)的進化。按照這種觀點，維管植物首先移居到大陸水域的周邊，其次是以這種植物為食的動物，最后是吃這種食草動物的動物。而且，巨化石也表明（提示），在四億多年前的志留紀和盆泥紀之間的期間（在志留紀和盆泥紀之間的期間，即四億多年前），陸生生命已經(jīng)出現(xiàn)，種類也急劇增加。
但是最近，古生物學(xué)家一直對志留紀-盆泥紀抵制界限以下的積淀物進行更為周密的調(diào)查。結(jié)果表明，將巖石放在一些盛有酸的容器里，一些化石就能從這些沉淀物中離析出來。這項技術(shù)從古海洋岸邊的沉積物中又發(fā)現(xiàn)了新的證據(jù)——植物的微小化石以及在顯微鏡才可以看得見的小動物的碎片。多數(shù)情況下，標本的直徑不足1/10微米。盡管他們在巖石中埋藏了數(shù)億年，許多化石仍遺留有生物體的有機物質(zhì)。
這些新發(fā)現(xiàn)的化石不僅揭示了先前不為人質(zhì)的有機體的存在，也將多細胞生物進居陸地的時間向前推移。我們對早期動植物群體（群落）本質(zhì)的看法正得以修正，隨之而來的是對第一批陸生生命的新推斷。
passage5
historicalmethods
whiletherearealmostasmanydefinitionsofhistoryastherearehistorians,modernpracticemostcloselyconformstoonethatseeshistointhewebofitsowntimeandplace,eachgenesearchtheevidencefoundisalwaysincompleteandscattered;nyofthehistorian’scraftisthatitspractitionersastinhistoricalmethodshasarisenlessthroughexternalchallengetothevalidityofhistoryasanintellectuaistoryoncerevereditsaffinitytoliteratureandphilosophy,theemergingsocialsciencesseemedtoaffordgreateropportunitiesforaskingnewquesciencemethodologieshadtobeadaptedtoadisciplinegovernedbytheprimacyofhistoricalsourcesrather
thistransfer,traditionalhistoricalmethodswereaugmentedbyadditionalmethodologologsnoagreementwhethermethodologyreferstotheconceptspeculiartohistoricalworkingeneralortothereseaians,especiallythosesoblindedbytheirresearchintereststhattheyhavebeenaccusedof“tunnelmethod,”frequentlyfallvictimtothe“technicistfallacy.”alsocommoninthenaturalsciences,thetechnicistfallacymistakenlyidentifiesthiesequallytotraditionalhistorianswhoviewhistoryasonlytheexternalandinternalcriticismofsources,andtosocilary:
practice:custom
create:makesthfromthepastexitagainorseemtoexistagain
affinity:acloseconnectionbetweentwothingsbecauseofqualitiesorfeaturesthattheyshare
revere:respectandadmire
primacy:thestateofbeingthemostimportantthingorperson
inherent:aqualitythatisinherentinsomethingisanaturalpartofitandcannotbeseparatedfromit
equate:toconsiderthattwoormorethingsaresimilarorconnected
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歷史研究方法
雖然每一位歷史學(xué)家對歷史有自己的界定，但是，現(xiàn)代最習(xí)慣的做法是，將歷史看著是對過去重大事件進行再現(xiàn)并予以解釋。每一代的歷史學(xué)家，總會根據(jù)自身所處的時代和位置，重新判定過去的事件中哪些是重要的。這樣找到的證據(jù)往往是不完全的、零散的；也常常是片面的、有著個人偏見的。對歷史學(xué)家研究技藝的諷刺在于，運用這一技藝的人總是知道，他們所付出的努力不過是在給一個無邊無際的過程不斷加磚添瓦。
人們對歷史學(xué)研究方法產(chǎn)生興趣原因有二，其主要原因是歷史學(xué)家內(nèi)部意見不統(tǒng)一，其次原因是，將歷史學(xué)作為一門需要智力活動參與（進行分析和研究）的學(xué)科是否合理，外界持尚有懷疑態(tài)度。雖然以前的歷史學(xué)重視與文學(xué)和哲學(xué)的緊密關(guān)系，但是在提出新問題、并為理解過去提供有益的方法方面，新興的社會科學(xué)似乎提供了更多的機會。社會科學(xué)方法論必須調(diào)整之后適應(yīng)這樣的學(xué)科：它由歷史資料的重要程度決定，而非根據(jù)當代世界所必不可少的需求決定。
在歷史學(xué)的研究中還有其他的一些方法是用來解釋歷史資料的。而在上一轉(zhuǎn)化過程中，這些方法使得傳統(tǒng)研究方法更為有效。
在歷史學(xué)界，方法論是一個從根本上就非常含糊的術(shù)語。它到底是普通歷史研究中所特有的概念，還是適合于各個分支領(lǐng)域的研究技巧，人們對此尚無定論。歷史學(xué)家，特別是那些盲目從于自己的研究興趣、因而被指責為使用“井蛙（狹隘）方法”的歷史學(xué)家，常常成為“技術(shù)謬誤”的犧牲品。同樣，在自然科學(xué)領(lǐng)域，技術(shù)謬誤
也錯誤地將學(xué)科看成是由一些技術(shù)運用所組成的整體。這種謬誤同樣存在于傳統(tǒng)歷史學(xué)派和社會科學(xué)歷史學(xué)派的身上，前者認為歷史就是史學(xué)界內(nèi)部和外部人士對各種史料的評議；后者認為歷史的研究應(yīng)該是某些具體技術(shù)的運用。
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themethodofscientificinvestigation
themethodofscientificinvestigationisnothingbuttheexpressionofthenecessarymodeofworkingofthehumanmind;itissimplythemodebywhicsnomoredifference,butthereisjustthesamekindofdifference,betweenthementaloperationsofamanofscienceandthoseofanordinaryperson,asthereisbetweentheoperationsandmethodsofabakerorofabutcherweighingouthisgoodsincommonscales,andtheoperationsofachemistinperformingadiffitthatthescalesintheonecase,andthebalanceintheother,differintheprinciplesoftheirconstructionormannerofworking;butthatthelatterisamuchfineraplunderstandthisbetter,perhaps,eallhearditrepeatedthatmenofscienceworkbymeansofinductionanddeduction,thatbythehelpoftheseoperations,they,inasortofsense,managetoextractfromnaturecertainnaturallaws,andthatoutofthese,bysomespecialskilloftheirown,simaginedbymanythattheoperationsofthecommonmindcanbebynomeanscomparedwiththeseprocesses,alltheselargewords,youwouldthinkthatthemindofamanofsciencemustbeconstituteddifferentlyfromthatofhisfellowmen;butifyouwillnotbefrightenedbyterms,youwilldiscoverthatyouarequitewrong,andthatalltheseterribleasawell-knownincidentinoneofmoliere‘splays,wheretheauthormakestheheroexpressunboundeddelameway,itrustthatyouwilltakecomfort,andbedelightedwithyourselves,onthediscoverythatyouhavebeenactingonthlythereisnotoneherewhohasnotinthecourseofthedayhadoccasiontosetinmotionacomplextrainofreasoning,oftheverysamekind,thoughdifferingindegree,asthatwhi
科學(xué)研究的方法
科學(xué)研究的方法只是人類思維中必要的工作方式的表現(xiàn)，正是通過這種方式，人類對一切現(xiàn)象進行邏輯推理，并做出精確的解釋。科學(xué)家的思維活動與普通人的思維活動之間并無實質(zhì)的區(qū)別，其區(qū)別有如面包師或者肉匠用普通磅秤稱量他們的物品，而化學(xué)家則用天平和精確/細致分級的砝碼來進行難度很大和復(fù)雜深入的分析一樣。并不是因為在前一種情況下的磅秤與后一種情況下的天平在構(gòu)造原理或工作方式上有何不同，只是因為天平是更為精密的儀器，與磅秤比較起來，其稱量結(jié)果自然要精確得多。
如果我給你（可省去）舉一些非常熟悉的例子，或許你會理解得更清楚。你會多次聽說過科學(xué)家們是運用歸納法和演繹法工作，而且，在某種意義上，他們運用這些思維方式從自然界中總結(jié)出一些自然規(guī)則，然后運用特殊的技巧，在這些自然規(guī)則的基礎(chǔ)上建立自己的理論。因此，很多人認為，普通人的思維活動決不能與科學(xué)家的思維活動堪比；只有通過某種特殊訓(xùn)練，普通人才能獲得這些思維過程。聽到這些夸張的說法，你或許會認為科學(xué)家的大腦和普通人的大腦在構(gòu)造上不相一樣；但是如果你不被這些大話（夸張的說法）唬住，你會發(fā)現(xiàn)你弄錯
了：在你生命中的每天、每時、每刻，你都在運用這些絕妙的思維方法。
在莫里哀的戲劇中有一個眾所周知的情節(jié)：主人公在聽到別人夸贊他畢生都是出口成章時，他表現(xiàn)出無盡的喜悅。同樣，我相信，當你發(fā)現(xiàn)（在科學(xué)家運用科學(xué)思維的同時，）你也一樣基于歸納法和演繹法原理行事，你會感到十分慰籍，也會對自己也非常滿意。（在座）每一個人在一天中都有可能有機會開動一輛思維的列車進行（一連串）復(fù)雜的推理，這與科學(xué)家在探尋自然現(xiàn)象時的思維活動相比，雖然程度有些不同，但其性質(zhì)卻完全一樣。
asecretary’sjob
althoughthesecretaryismostoftenthoughtofas”she”andtheexecutiveas“he”,itisn’talwaysnecessarilyso!intheearlydaysofofficework,mostsecretariereisanincreaseinthenumberofmencomingintdcareersanrnolongerdecidedbysex,asthepersonhasthequalityofbeingagoodsecretary,mple,whenthebosshasanurgentbudgetmeeting,ossisgoingtogiveadinnerparty,heorcretariesshouretaryisveryskilledintypingandusingacomputer,sheismorelikelytoberecommendedforpromotion.一份秘書的工作
通常秘書一般都被想成是“她”而執(zhí)行者是“他”，但這不是必然的！在最初的辦公室工作中，幾乎所有的秘書都是男性，因為女性被認為是無法勝任如此難的工作?，F(xiàn)在越來越多的男性加入到秘書的工作領(lǐng)域而許多女性加入到執(zhí)行者的行列。工作和經(jīng)歷不在取決于性別而是能力。只要這個人有成為好秘書的資質(zhì)，他或她將得到這份工作。好的秘書經(jīng)常是受歡迎的。一個好的秘書必須有出色的辦公室工作潛質(zhì)。例如：當老板正在開一個緊急預(yù)算會議，秘書就不能打擾他。如果老板要開一個晚宴，他或她在這之前要預(yù)定一個合適的酒店。好的秘書還必須要注重他們的形象，穿著時尚整齊。他們要最少流利的講一門外語。如果一個秘書非常熟練并且有技巧的掌握電腦，那么她很有可能被推薦升職。
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